Framework Convention on Global Health (FCGH) – a blog in response to the May 18 Geneva meeting minutes

24/09/2013 Comments Off on Framework Convention on Global Health (FCGH) – a blog in response to the May 18 Geneva meeting minutes

A blog by Marge Berer, Editor Reproductive Health Matters. Originally posted on the blog of JALI – the Joint Action and Learning Initiative on National and Global Responsibilities for Health

I asked JALI if I could write a blog after I had read the minutes of the May 18 meeting in Geneva on the way forward for an FCGH,  to raise some issues that I’ve been confronting in the seemingly endless consultations and statements circulating on the internet on the post-2015 world – to do with what an MDG replacement would look like, whether or not universal health coverage as currently conceived is the answer to how to address health, and whether and where my issues of sexual and reproductive health and rights might fit into the “Sustainable Development Goals”, the most likely successor to the MDGs, when they have had such short shrift in the MDGs.

I was particularly struck by the paragraph on the two animating principles of a Framework Convention on Global Health mentioned in the minutes, that is, ‘global health equity (within and between countries) – “global health with justice,” as offered by Larry Gostin – and the right to health… setting clear standards to make it more concrete, measurable, and enforceable… addressing global governance for health… shifting international law towards health. It would ensure for all people the conditions required for health, including health care, public health, and social determinants of health, setting standards and establishing a national and global financing framework to enable universal access to and coverage of health care and public health measures (e.g., clean water, sufficient nutritious food)… directly address domestic inequities…[and] promoting Health in All Policies.’ (pp.2-3)

Just as people in the meeting raised the fact that some participants in the FCGH process required more explicit attention, e.g. health workers and health worker unions, as did some issues, e.g. mental health, I would like to raise three aspects that I think need to be part of the FCGH discussions:

i. Gender issues – that is, the differences between men and women in their health needs, their access to health and health care, and the inequities in that differential access. Gender issues in relation to health are crucial to any convention. There has been a lot of work by women’s health advocates on gender issues in relation to women’s health but far less work by either men or women on gender issues in relation to men’s health. In the same ways as girls’ and women’s health issues were at one time almost invisible in the previous century, attention to boys’ and men’s health issues has not been developed in the past 30 years, in spite of the growing attention to women’s health issues and wide-ranging work on gender, both in academia, by the women’s health movement and even in WHO. In a recent paper I was considering for publication, for example, it was said that gender-based violence against women was the most common form of violence, when in fact men experience far more violence globally overall, but between each other, whereas women experience violence mostly from men. Thus, work is needed on how to address gender issues within an FCGH in relation to the right to health, the social determinants of health, health financing, etc, and how this might be approached needs much more thought and consideration.
ii. Religious, political and “cultural” opposition to what an FCGH would stand for, being used most vocally today to justify why access to crucial aspects of health and health care related to sexuality and reproduction are being withheld and denied, and many sexual and reproductive rights condemned and criminalised. Underlying this opposition are two forms of hate: misogyny and hatred of any form of sexuality that is not heterosexual and heteronormative.

One of the reasons I support a Convention is that it would give greater weight to all these issues by requiring not only non-discrimination and equality, but also regular examination, analysis and critique of country programmes, along with official recommendations for policy and programmes, and demands for accountability and action through interpretation of the implementation of the convention. We are beginning to see such a framework making a difference in relation to sexual and reproductive rights issues, particularly via the work of CEDAW. So I recommend studying CEDAW’s history, functions, and procedures particularly and how they might be applied more broadly across health. I would be interested in being involved in this in the future.

iii. The process of developing the successor to the MDGs may cut out the few specific aspects of health and health care that were allowed into MDG 5, where they were mostly reduced to their lowest common denominator and stripped of their complexity, e.g. universal access to reproductive health was a late add-in to MDG 5, which never moved beyond superficial attention to a few aspects of reducing maternal mortality, diluted heavily by tacking newborns, infants and children onto “maternal” health, and omitting the great majority of interlinked sexual and reproductive health problems.

Universal health coverage in my opinion may also succeed in shortcutting and eliminating the “controversial issues” in whatever is included under a “unified health goal” post-2015, and it may also make support for addressing specific aspects of health equally or even more difficult. Having devoted two recent issues of Reproductive Health Matters to privatisation in sexual and reproductive health services, where articles provided evidence of a resulting increase in inequity of access to health care among the 4th and 5th socioeconomic quintiles of many African and Asian countries, I am worried that the health goal that is eventually agreed is likely to be biased one way or another towards consumerism, commercialisation and privatisation of health and health services, and their financial underpinnings such as health insurance. I am very uncertain of the value of what has emerged so far as regards universal coverage from WHO, given the pressure on the agency from the World Bank, big pharma, world trade policies, and the influence of private/foundation donors, when measured against what we would like to see as the basis for the Framework Convention on Global Health.

 

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The Brazilian government pays compensation for a maternal death taken up by CEDAW – a decision that has global implications

14/09/2012 Comments Off on The Brazilian government pays compensation for a maternal death taken up by CEDAW – a decision that has global implications

Lisa Hallgarten, RHM

The Brazilian government has agreed to pay compensation for the death of a pregnant woman in 2002. The decision could have implications for governments around the world where women are dying from preventable deaths in pregnancy, childbirth and abortion. The Brazilian government’s move follows landmark decisions by the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in Brazil and Peru – reported in Reproductive Health Matters. CEDAW confirmed that all states have a human rights obligation to: guarantee good quality maternal health care; guarantee access to abortion when a woman’s mental or physical health is threatened by continuation of her pregnancy; and decriminalise abortion when the pregnancy results from rape or abuse.

The case of of Alyne da Silva Pimentel v. Brazil was taken up by CEDAW in 2011. Alyne died following a stillbirth towards the end of her second trimester of pregnancy as a result of misdiagnosis, inadequate treatment in her local health centre, failure of the centre to refer her for timely emergency obstetric care and inadequate care when she was finally referred. CEDAW found that she was a victim of discrimination because she was a woman, poor and of African descent. Following the CEDAW Committee’s recommendations, the Brazilian government has agreed to pay compensation for Alyne’s death in childbirth, and is to set up an inter-ministerial enquiry into where responsibility lies for the chain of events that result in a maternal death. It also plans to organise a seminar on the issue for lawyers and health professionals.

In the case of L.C. v. Peru, a young girl had been repeatedly raped by different men in her neighbourhood over a period of four years. At the age of 13 she learned that she was pregnant and made a suicide attempt which failed, but left her at risk of paralysis and in urgent need of spinal surgery. She was refused the surgery she needed because she was pregnant, and was also refused an abortion. Three months later she miscarried and doctors agreed to perform the surgery. Unfortunately the delay meant the intervention was unsuccessful and L.C. is now quadriplegic. Peruvian law already permits abortion in cases where a woman’s health or life is at risk. CEDAW ruled that access to abortion in these cases should be guaranteed.

CEDAW’s findings come in the context of legal and civil actions around the world aimed at making governments accountable for women’s health and lives in pregnancy, childbirth and abortion. We hope that the announcement from Brazil that it will act on CEDAW’s recommendations may encourage Peru to do so too, and will  help to reinforce the fundamental principle that women’s rights are human rights.

Other cases highlighted in RHM

Alyne’s case and the negligent, callous and discriminatory treatment she experienced, has echoes in stories we have published from all over the world including the testimony of a doctor in a sub-Saharan African country on this blog. Papers in May’s issue of Reproductive Health Matters demonstrate that failure to provide good quality, equitable and accessible maternal health care is widespread. Increasingly however, lawyers, families and health professionals have had some success in holding their governments and health services to account.

In India an investigation into maternal deaths in Madhya Pradesh documented lack of accountability, and discrimination against poor women, particularly tribal women. However, the authors report that since presenting the report some of their recommendations have been taken up. In another article from India authors explore the successful legal case made for compensation and accountability for the death of Shanti Dev in Haryana State.

Another article reports on opportunities for progress that could be learned from the success of HIV activism in sub-Saharan Africa where health professionals and civil society activists have formed alliances to demand constitutional rights to health care for people living with HIV. A recent attempt by health activists in Uganda to use the courts to establish the constitutional rights of women to quality maternal health care failed, but the NGOs involved have promised to appeal…watch this space.

Read the full editorial of RHM’s recent issue Maternal mortality or women’s health: time for action

Making change happen is in the air

13/07/2012 Comments Off on Making change happen is in the air

Marge Berer

Editor, Reproductive Health Matters

Below, are excerpts from my editorial in RHM 20(39) May 2012. This issue is about reducing maternal mortality, but the more I reflected on it the more I realised it had implications for this week’s summit on family planning.

Making change happen is in the air, from the UN Secretary-General down to the most remote village… Yet, in certain ways, the world is moving backwards when it comes to dealing with women and pregnancy. Simone Diniz calls it a return to “materno-infantilism” – treating pregnant women like children who need looking after… Today, in much of the literature, all pregnant women are called “mothers” whether they’ve ever had a baby or not. Yet pregnancy has more than one outcome and is not only about women who “deliver”. It’s also about women who experience miscarriages, stillbirths, infant deaths, lack of access to contraception, unwanted pregnancies, unsafe abortions, and lifelong obstetric, reproductive and sexual morbidity. Yet these are nearly invisible in PMNCH these days, and safe abortion – an integral part of women’s right to decide the number and spacing of their children – may be made invisible in the new Family Planning Initiative as well…

The papers [in this journal issue] show that some countries are making serious efforts at strengthening and improving their health systems in relation to reproductive health care and maternity services. Based on data that show who is dying and why, they are making policy and programme changes, such as low-cost delivery services for poor and migrant women, opening new obstetric emergency care and referral centres in hospitals, training more health professionals, and providing health education for women, as in Shanghai (Du et al)…

Others are strengthening the whole public health system, especially in rural areas where most poor women live, ensuring better leadership and governance, increasing health workforce skills, supporting community-based health insurance, and increasing contraceptive services, as in Rwanda (Bucagu et al). They’re promoting peace, stability, economic growth, poverty reduction, improved primary education, better roads and communications, access to information on health and health services, and making health care free of cost for the poor, as in Cambodia (Liljestrand & Sambath)…

In contrast, in some countries, appalling, chaotic, uneven, negligent and abusive situations persist. Among the 22 million women each year who have unsafe abortions, adolescents suffer the most from complications and have the highest unmet need for contraception (Shah & Åhman). Custom, lack of perceived need, distance, lack of transport, lack of permission from husbands, cost, unwillingness to see a male doctor are still preventing women from seeking antenatal and delivery care, e.g. in northern Nigeria (Doctor et al), but in many places, these services barely exist anyway…

In the poorest of countries, women may have more pressing health needs even than for maternity care, e.g. in Haiti, where women identified access to any affordable health care, potable water, enough food to eat, any employment, sanitation and education as their most crucial problems (Peragallo Urrutia et al)…

Even more broadly, lack of national commitment has been identified as critical in 33 sub-Saharan African countries, as well as very low levels of public financing for health and health services (let alone maternity services), poor coordination between key stakeholders and partners, poorly functioning health systems with poor logistics for supply, distribution and management of essential medicines, family planning commodities, and equipment, and a chronic shortage of skilled health professionals (Ekechi et al).

In several South Asian countries, cash is being given to pregnant women to deliver in facilities, but some studies are finding, e.g. in India, that when women arrive, there is limited or no antenatal care, no birth attendants with midwifery skills, no emergency obstetric care in obvious cases of need, and referrals that never result in treatment (Subha Sri et al). And now, these same women have a sense of entitlement, and they are protesting.

Several governments in Latin America may be embarrassed to learn that their levels of budget transparency in spending on specific aspects of maternity care were found to be very low, and that they need better budgeting modalities, better health information systems and guidelines on how they might better capture data on expenditure, in order to track and plan local and national progress (Malajovich et al). Similarly, an assessment of cash transfer and voucher schemes designed to stimulate demand for services and reduce cost barriers to maternity care found increased use of maternity services in several south Asian countries, but also a need for more efficient operational management, financial transparency, plans for sustainability, evidence of equity and, above all, proven impact on quality of care and maternal mortality and morbidity (Jehan et al).

The papers [in this journal issue] describe a range of models for advocacy and taking action to expose violations of human rights, poor public health practices, absence of monitoring and regulation, failure to ensure national accountability for sexual and reproductive rights and to provide remedies and redress in the event of violations (Kismödi et al).

full editorial

Botched motherhood

11/07/2012 Comments Off on Botched motherhood

A poem by Tiro Sebina – featured in Reproductive Health Matters May 2012
You may not want to hear
About a woman who died
In labour in a hut

You may not want to hear
About an expectant woman
Who perished aboard
A donkey cart
On a bumpy road to an apology
Of a health post
With neither doctors on site
Nor drugs in sight

You may not want to hear
About an expectant woman’s fatal fall
Off a rickety bike
Pedalled by a drunken man
Terrified of Emang Basadi
Concerned about his name
Appearing on the birth certificate

You may not want to hear
About a woman who expired
Without knowing
She was targeted by grand visions
And millennium schemes

You may not want to know
About a woman too hapless
To grace dinner-conferences
Held in her name
At exclusive venues

Who wants to know
About the bungled chaos
Of a dead mother

Trends in maternal mortality 1990-2010: latest data

18/06/2012 Comments Off on Trends in maternal mortality 1990-2010: latest data

by Marge Berer

Editor Reproductive Health Matters

Thanks to the Millennium Development Goals and much work on the part of the UN, WHO, many governments and NGOs globally and nationally, the press and media are now highly attuned to what is happening as regards maternal mortality. An announcement by WHO on behalf of the United Nations of the latest global estimates, published in May 2012, showed that the trend in maternal deaths appears to be falling overall, and resulted in many newspaper articles sharing this very good news. The global data were as follows:

  • The number of women dying due to complications of pregnancy, childbirth and unsafe abortion decreased from 543,000 in 1990 to 358,000 in 2008, and 287,000 in 2010.

This excellent news masks the fact that there has been a lot of change in some countries and virtually none in others. Here are some of the details of those differences, taken from the report:

  • Deaths are falling quickly in East Asia but the reduction is attributed largely to China.
  • Southern African countries have seen the beginnings of a reversal, but sub-Saharan Africa (56%) and southern Asia (29%) accounted for 85% of the global burden in 2010.
  • India (19%) and Nigeria (14%) alone accounted for a third of deaths globally.
  • 40 countries (20 % of the total number of countries) still have maternal mortality ratios greater than 300 deaths per 100,000 live births.
  • Countries with the highest maternal mortality ratios were: Chad, Somalia, Sierra Leone, Central African Republic, Burundi, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Sudan, Cameroon, and Nigeria; Lao PDR, Afghanistan, Haiti, Timor-Leste – these are among the world’s poorest countries, many of which are also sites of conflict, war and other crisis situations, such as earthquakes and flooding.

In other words, many countries still have very high maternal mortality ratios, including two very large countries, which account for a large proportion of deaths. Moreover, there is a growing gap between countries where improvements have taken place and many of the poorest countries, where most women are still simply not benefiting. Furthermore, as the May 2012 edition of RHM shows, there are differences within countries and between women (according to socioeconomic status, rural vs urban status, age and marital status) that are sometimes great and must not be ignored. The paper by Shah and Ahman, for example, shows that unsafe abortion deaths remain high in many countries and that young women are at the greatest risk of death and complications from unsafe abortion. A study in Nigeria shows that women in northern Nigeria are at far greater risk of maternal death than women in the south of the country. Given that the primary aim of the Millennium Development Goals is to reduce poverty and the consequences of poverty, celebration is perhaps not yet in order. However, countries where improvements have clearly taken place, such as Rwanda and Cambodia, as shown in other RHM papers, certainly deserve credit for enormous efforts.

Limitations of global estimates of maternal mortality – Nepal

15/06/2012 Comments Off on Limitations of global estimates of maternal mortality – Nepal

The latest United Nations publication on global estimates of maternal mortality was released in May this year. Some of the news from this report is good, that despite big regional variations, overall maternal mortality is reducing at a global level.

One limitation of the estimates is that they fail to shine a light on the stark disparities between countries, some of which have made little if any progress, or within countries, for example between women living in rural and urban areas. They mask inequity in access for poorer women which characterises health service provision in many countries, and which remains a huge stumbling block to tackling the preventable causes of maternal death.

There is also concern that different estimates from a range of sources confuse the picture for those in the field; that the estimates cannot provide a comprehensive understanding of what works or how to explain reductions in maternal deaths – information which is essential if further progress is to be made;  and, most worryingly, that the perception of success in reducing maternal deaths may lead to complacency or neglect of the problem.

Nepal

In Nepal, maternal mortality has reduced from 770 to 170 deaths per 100,000 live births between 1990 and 2010, thus reaching the 75% reduction MDG target for 2015. The new estimates are only one of a series of different estimates released and published. The others were published in the Lancet and by WHO here, here and here.

These papers report different estimates of maternal mortality (calculated using different methods) relevant to approximately the same period of time. On the surface, the estimated reductions in Nepal should be reason for optimism, especially as all the estimates suggest a falling trend of maternal deaths in Nepal. But these new estimates have caused confusion and frustration in Nepal.

The confusion arises because the estimates do not agree, so it is not possible to say what the current level of maternal mortality is. Some people believe that the estimates report improbably low levels of maternal mortality and a larger than expected reduction over the last two decades, given the difficult geographical terrain, relatively low access to maternity services and variable standards of care in Nepal. Their frustration arises from the difficulty in interpreting these estimates to ensure that maternal and reproductive health services do not become neglected.

Maternal mortality is notoriously difficult to measure . For now, Nepal will have to deal with the uncertainty of the estimates, at least until the national demographic and health survey planned for 2016 provides more data for better estimates. Instead of debating what the actual level of mortality is or which estimate to use, what needs to be done is to draw on the situation to generate interest in finding out why the reduction is occurring. First steps have been made to do this , but more evidence needs to be gathered to build up a convincing picture of what changes are being experienced in Nepal. The reasons we find may not necessarily be what we might assume or expect, and will provide valuable lessons for other countries still striving to reduce maternal deaths.

A guest blog by Julia Hussein

Senior Clinical Research Fellow Immpact,
Scientific Director Ipact, University of Aberdeen, UK

Reproductive Health Matters

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‘The death of a woman due to pregnancy complications is not only a biological fact; it is also a political choice.’1

16/03/2012 Comments Off on ‘The death of a woman due to pregnancy complications is not only a biological fact; it is also a political choice.’1

In 2008 UK spending on Mother’s Day gifts may have amounted to as much as UK£1.6bn,  while last year it was estimated that consumers in the United States would spend as much as US$16bn.

This contrasts sharply with spending on basic life-saving care for mothers in much of the global south – with some countries spending less on all health services per head of population per year than some people will spend on their Mother’s Day bouquet.

With just 3 years left to meet Millennium Development Goal 5a (reducing the maternal mortality ratio by 75% between 1990 and 2015), there is still a long way to go. As many as 90% of women in some countries still give birth with no skilled birth attendant and have no access to emergency obstetric care if complications arise.

Reproductive Health Matters is dedicating its May issue to the subject of maternal mortality and asks whether the rhetoric of ‘safe motherhood’ is finally being matched by resources and action. Articles cover, for example:

An analysis of unsafe abortion differentials by age in developing countries which finds that younger women, especially adolescents, are disproportionately at risk of accessing unsafe abortion.

An investigation into maternal deaths in Madhya Pradesh, which finds drastic shortfalls in both antenatal and maternity care and questions the impact of government schemes to incentivise access to health facilities during birth.

An analysis of Demographic & Health Survey data for Egypt and Bangladesh which finds that improvements in antenatal care to be found in many countries are not matched by improvements in post-partum and post-natal care – still grossly neglected areas.

An article on the role of delaying care on maternal mortality and morbidity, which explores the importance of understanding women’s ‘road to death’ by combining the three delays framework and the ‘near miss’ approach. The challenges we face in trying to meet the Millennium Development Goal for maternal mortality are enormous, but as the authors of this paper note, the biggest obstacle to change is neglect and discrimination:

‘Understanding maternal deaths as a consequence of neglect implies the recognition that it is due to the disadvantaged position of women in society, including with regard to their reproductive rights. Only women experience the inherent risks of reproduction; this is a matter of sexual difference. However the lack of appropriate reproductive health care is a matter of gender discrimination and a consequence of a social system “based on the power of sex and class”. Gender discrimination occurs in all stages of women’s lives: preference for boy children, neglect of care for girls, poor access to health, and maternal mortality. The death of a woman due to pregnancy complications is not only a biological fact; it is also a political choice that is amenable to change and within human grasp. It depends above all upon political will.’1

The journal will be published in print and online in May 2012

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1. Pacagnella RC, et al. The role of delays in severe maternal morbidity and mortality: expanding the conceptual framework. RHM 2012; 20(39). In press.

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